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Speed dating in new orleanss

Starting in 2010, the ACLU brought attention to debtors’ prisons when it issued a report recounting the stories of affected people and describing the financial failure of the debtors’ prison scheme.[23] The first complaint, in March 2014. These lawsuits claimed that the City of Montgomery was illegally jailing its residents for being too poor to pay off their criminal justice debt, which often resulted from traffic tickets. It also required that courts assess an individual’s “ability to pay” in a hearing before incarcerating the individual for failure to pay debts to the state.[272] Finally, it mandated that courts provide notice and a hearing, as well as make “findings on the record” that the defendant can pay “without undue hardship to the defendant or the defendant’s dependents” and that “the defendant has not made a good faith effort to comply with the order.”[273] In short, Colorado’s new law merely restates existing law, including . Interestingly enough, all three municipalities have large Hispanic or Latino/a communities. Hickenlooper signed House Bill 14-101 into law in May 2014.[270] This new law “expanded coverage from fines to any ‘monetary amount’ imposed by sentencing,”[271] which is an important distinction as court costs and fees constitute much of criminal justice debt.

These LFOs include fines, fees, and assessments—from traffic tickets to public defender fees. This Article argues that the debtors’ prison scheme employed on a national level across the United States functions like the War on Drugs as another “branch” of the race-based mass incarceration described by Michelle Alexander in her book, The New Jim Crow.

The limits of enforcing reforms through litigation and legislation call into question the power of the law.

For that, state courts and legislatures will ultimately have to clarify the substantive definition of indigence for these purposes.”[275] Indeed, in October 2015, the ACLU of Colorado sent a letter to another municipality in Colorado—Colorado Springs—that was jailing “hundreds of people because they were too poor to pay court-ordered fines and fees,”[276] violating the Colorado law that was passed in 2014.

Part IV questions whether the law can make a difference in dismantling the debtors’ prison scheme through a Critical Race Theory lens.

—Michelle Alexander[1] Alana Cain was a low-income twenty-six-year-old African American woman living in New Orleans, Louisiana.[2] She was charged with a felony theft offense in 2012 when a ring disappeared from a law firm office she used to clean. Cain was indigent, but the judge ordered her to pay

These LFOs include fines, fees, and assessments—from traffic tickets to public defender fees. This Article argues that the debtors’ prison scheme employed on a national level across the United States functions like the War on Drugs as another “branch” of the race-based mass incarceration described by Michelle Alexander in her book, The New Jim Crow.

The limits of enforcing reforms through litigation and legislation call into question the power of the law.

For that, state courts and legislatures will ultimately have to clarify the substantive definition of indigence for these purposes.”[275] Indeed, in October 2015, the ACLU of Colorado sent a letter to another municipality in Colorado—Colorado Springs—that was jailing “hundreds of people because they were too poor to pay court-ordered fines and fees,”[276] violating the Colorado law that was passed in 2014.

Part IV questions whether the law can make a difference in dismantling the debtors’ prison scheme through a Critical Race Theory lens.

—Michelle Alexander[1] Alana Cain was a low-income twenty-six-year-old African American woman living in New Orleans, Louisiana.[2] She was charged with a felony theft offense in 2012 when a ring disappeared from a law firm office she used to clean. Cain was indigent, but the judge ordered her to pay $1,800 in restitution and approximately $950 in court fines and fees[3]—$600 of which were at his discretion to go to the Judicial Expense Fund.[4] The Collections Department decided that Cain would need to pay $100 each month despite her indigent status.[5] Cain did her best to keep up with the monthly payments, borrowing money from her equally poor family and friends while caring for her sick mother.[6] One month, Cain failed to make her payment on time and asked if she could make a smaller payment to the Collections Department, but the Department refused any payment smaller than $50 and issued an arrest warrant for her.[7] On March 11, 2015, a New Orleans police officer pulled over a car due to a broken taillight.[8] Cain was the passenger.

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These LFOs include fines, fees, and assessments—from traffic tickets to public defender fees. This Article argues that the debtors’ prison scheme employed on a national level across the United States functions like the War on Drugs as another “branch” of the race-based mass incarceration described by Michelle Alexander in her book, The New Jim Crow. The limits of enforcing reforms through litigation and legislation call into question the power of the law. For that, state courts and legislatures will ultimately have to clarify the substantive definition of indigence for these purposes.”[275] Indeed, in October 2015, the ACLU of Colorado sent a letter to another municipality in Colorado—Colorado Springs—that was jailing “hundreds of people because they were too poor to pay court-ordered fines and fees,”[276] violating the Colorado law that was passed in 2014.Part IV questions whether the law can make a difference in dismantling the debtors’ prison scheme through a Critical Race Theory lens. —Michelle Alexander[1] Alana Cain was a low-income twenty-six-year-old African American woman living in New Orleans, Louisiana.[2] She was charged with a felony theft offense in 2012 when a ring disappeared from a law firm office she used to clean. Cain was indigent, but the judge ordered her to pay $1,800 in restitution and approximately $950 in court fines and fees[3]—$600 of which were at his discretion to go to the Judicial Expense Fund.[4] The Collections Department decided that Cain would need to pay $100 each month despite her indigent status.[5] Cain did her best to keep up with the monthly payments, borrowing money from her equally poor family and friends while caring for her sick mother.[6] One month, Cain failed to make her payment on time and asked if she could make a smaller payment to the Collections Department, but the Department refused any payment smaller than $50 and issued an arrest warrant for her.[7] On March 11, 2015, a New Orleans police officer pulled over a car due to a broken taillight.[8] Cain was the passenger.

,800 in restitution and approximately 0 in court fines and fees[3]—0 of which were at his discretion to go to the Judicial Expense Fund.[4] The Collections Department decided that Cain would need to pay 0 each month despite her indigent status.[5] Cain did her best to keep up with the monthly payments, borrowing money from her equally poor family and friends while caring for her sick mother.[6] One month, Cain failed to make her payment on time and asked if she could make a smaller payment to the Collections Department, but the Department refused any payment smaller than and issued an arrest warrant for her.[7] On March 11, 2015, a New Orleans police officer pulled over a car due to a broken taillight.[8] Cain was the passenger.

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Since the release of the Ferguson Report, the Department of Justice released a “Dear Colleague” letter in March 2016, warning judges and court administrators that incarcerating low-income individuals without assessing their ability-to-pay is unconstitutional. However, the protections of this new law “[were] likely insufficient to finish the job.

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